Tuesday, August 5, 2008

Fayose: no regrets breaking up PDP

Fayose: no regrets breaking up PDP 5/8/2008

By Kelvin Osa-Okunbor

Former Ekiti State Governor Mr. Ayo Fayose yesterday described himself as a factor that cannot be ignored in the politics of the state.

Fayose, who was travelling abroad for medical treatment, told reporters in Lagos that he had no regrets in leading a faction of the PDP in the state.

He said:"That there is a problem in PDP in Ekiti State is not deniable. And if the problem is not well managed, it will have great consequences on the party. In life, when you start trouble, you may not know where it would end.

"The situation in Ekiti calls for caution because all is not well with the party, PDP. Without doubt, I am part of the other group and I stand to say I am part of it and I will continue to be part of the group until justice is done.

"When we started the PDP, when I contested, I contested under a party that we built together. We labour for the party; and today the governor and his cohorts are driving away the original members who laboured for the party.

"At the meeting at Ota, he (Oni) said he preferred those who decamped to old members. We would want to see how far those who decamped would take him and we are waiting for the tribunal to give the judgment."

Fayose said his faction was waiting for the party leadership to finish its reconciliation to know what next to do.

"If it measures up to our expectation, fine. If not, we would continue with the struggle. It is a struggle. We cannot leave our house for tenants," he added.

Asked to assess the situation in the state, he said: "When you fall from somewhere, you look at the consequences of your fall and you address it. One of the things that caused problems in the state is because a few cliques connived and conspired to cause the whole state to fall on its knees because of their selfish agenda.

Saturday, August 2, 2008

Storm in Agagu’s tea cup

Storm in Agagu’s tea cup

Published: Aug, 3 2008

There is no doubt that Justice Garba Nabaruna and four other members of the Governorship Election Petitions Tribunal, which sacked Governor Olusegun Agagu of the Peoples Democratic Party, are the most hated persons among the supporters of Agagu, at least for now. The PDP state chapter, which had hitherto never raised any allegation of bias or bribery against the tribunal, was shocked at the declarative judgment which pronounced Dr. Olusegun Mimiko of the Labour Party as the duly elected governor of the Sunshine State following the April 14,2007 governorship poll.

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Mimiko

Nabaruma’s ‘unpardonable sin’ is that his panel heaped the deluge of votes turned in, in favour of Agagu into the garbage bin and declared the Iroko of Ondo politics the winner. With the cancellation of 220,219 votes?allegedly cast in favour of Agagu and ?27,752 cast for Mimiko, the state PDP leadership claimed that the tribunal erred by declaring Mimiko the winner. The argument of the party leadership is that since about 50 per cent of the total votes cast were cancelled, a fresh election should have been ordered throughout the state.

Although Agagu said immediately after the judgment that he accepted the verdict, he had expressed dissatisfaction and vowed to regain his mandate at the Court of Appeal. Suffice it to say that the PDP and Agagu’s aides have been pouring invectives on the tribunal for declaring Agagu’s archrival?as the winner of the election. ?

The state PDP chairman, Dr. Tayo Dairo; Special Adviser on Politics to the Governor, Chief Segun Adegoke; Chairman, Ondo State Electricity Board; Mr. Femi Fasawe, Minister of Culture and Tourism, Prince Tokunbo Kayode , Prince John Mafo, the state Commissioner for Information, Chief Eddy Olafeso, and other PDP leaders have all condemned the? July 25 judgment. Agagu’s supporters, including lawyers among them, have not spared the tribunal in their attacks.

The PDP chairman said that as the party awaits for the appeal tribunal to do justice to Agagu’s grounds?of appeal and returns his mandate to him, the public must be made to know about “moral and political questions that put the integrity of the tribunal into doubt.” While condemning the verdict which many allies of the governor perceived as jaundiced, Dairo who contested for? the party’s ticket to represent Ondo Central Senatorial District at the Senate said, “The verdict ?has raised very serious and weighty legal and moral, as well as political issues that deserve public attention. The legal issues raised would, of course, soon be a matter for the Appeal Court to examine and consider. The moral and political issues, on the other hand, are in the realms of the curious and the absurd that affront fairness and equity.”

Dairo, a medical doctor, condemned the panel for nullifying, either in whole or?part, the election results obtained from 10 out? of the 18 local government areas.? He argued that the panel ought to have ordered a re-run, which he claimed, Mimiko also prayed for in his petition. According to Dairo, whose constituency was won by the LP, “It must be curious to all discerning minds that the bulk of the nullified results came from Governor Agagu’s stronghold, the Ondo South Senatorial District, which constituted the governor’s home base.”?

The PDP expressed its dissatisfaction that, while the tribunal nullified election results from Agagu’s strong areas, it upheld results from areas which Mimiko performed well, even in the disputed area. He noted that the tribunal’s decision was ridiculous because Agagu called witnesses who testified?before it that free and fair election indeed took place in areas which results were nullified.

?Apart from aborting the live transmission of the judgment which nearly caused heart attack to many politicians whose ‘pot of soup’ were broken by the verdict, the PDP is also annoyed with Nabaruma for not reading the whole judgment. The sudden verbal onslaught of the PDP against the tribunal came to many as a surpsise. This is because the party had never raised an eyebrow at the second tribunal headed by Justice Joseph Ikyegh, over similar situations when it determined petitions filed before it.? The Ikyegh- led tribunal, which was noted for its “taken as read,” abridged some? of its judgments to save time. But Dairo said that Nabaruma had no excuse for not reading the 607-page judgment. Dairo said that having blacked out the public from following the judgement, Nabaruma also denied those present at the tribunal to hear the details of the judgment.

The PDP also cried foul that the over 607-page? judgment was not given to Agagu’s counsels ??two hours after the verdict was read. For failing to make the judgment available immediately after it was read, Dairo insinuated that the judgment might have been doctored in order to frustrate Agagu’s appeal. He stated, “The Tribunal had all the time in this world to prepare the judgment prior to its delivery. It could, therefore, not have been working on, or is it re-writing, it unless it had to do so to conform the text to the apparently absurd verdict.”?

The aggrieved PDP chairman also accused the tribunal of closing its eyes to an important legal requirement that a petitioner must?prove their allegations beyond reasonable doubt especially? criminal content? of the petitioner’s allegations. He is of the opinion that the tribunal did not require Mimiko to prove the criminal allegations in his petitions? according to the provisions of the? Electoral Act 2006, but that the tribunal assumed that the petitioner had proved them.? Such assumption, Dairo said, were “not permitted in law, which means in effect that the tribunal’s verdict cannot stand even on this basis alone.”

On his part, Fasawe described members of the tribunal as jesters. He argued that it contradicted its earlier judgments which upheld results of House of Assembly poll and nullified the governorship election results in the same constituency. He is annoyed that votes from the constituencies in Ile-Oluji/Oke-Igbo, were cancelled by Nabaruma. Fasawe’s ?argument is that the tribunal ought to have nullify or upheld the results of the two polls, since the elections were conducted the same day and ballot papers dropped inside the same boxes. ?He said, “It is quite unfathomable that the tribunal could ride rough-shod on the genuine wishes and aspirations of the people, particularly voters whose votes were nullified so as to award Mimiko an underserved victory, which in no time will become vague since it was a pyrrhic victory.

“The decision of the judges to nullify results from the PDP stronghold of Ondo South Senatorial District in order to create a window for Mimiko smacks of a jaundiced perception of basic tenets of law. How could they decide to disenfranchise some voters as if their votes do not count? This is a sufficient ground for the appellate court to discard with their foul judgment which is premised on bias and crass gluttony.”

But political allies of Mimiko and LP members are not keeping quiet over the vituperations of PDP men on the tribunal. They accuse the latter of being a bad loser in the face of overwhelming evidence agaist them. Many of them see the storm in Agagu’s tea cup as the real test for the respect for democratic ethos by the governor and his supporters. They have advised Agagu and his supporters ?to appeal the verdict and stop passing uncomplimentary remarks at the judiciary. The spokesman for the LP queried those castigating the tribunal to remember when Agagu was desperately in need of witnesses to testify in his favour during the sitting of the tribunal.

The spokesman of the party in the state, Mr. Kolawole Olabisi, said the PDP leaders were not sincere in their outbursts, as they had failed to address critical issues that culminated in the judgment of the tribunal. He said, “The Governor-elect, Dr. Olusegun Mimiko, proved beyond reasonable doubt that he was the duly elected governor of the state. Dr. Mimiko called credible witnesses who testified that election was either marred with irregularities or failed to hold in the contested areas.? The Governor-elect also used science to show that there was multiple registration, multiple voting ballot stuffing and all manner of irregularities in these areas where they turned in concocted figures with the collaboration of INEC. Dr. Mimiko did not mind the cost; he brought in one of the renowned hand writing and finger print experts from Britain who carried out scientific analysis on over 100,000 ballot papers. His results also proved that?irregularities marred the voting exercise as he discovered that pebbles, candle ends, cashew nut and other inanimate objects were used to thumbprint. So, you expect the tribunal to close its eyes to those evidence”

“Where were those who are calling for the heads of the tribunal members when Agagu could not bring witnesses. Those, who they assembled, were regarded as? political office holders, who turned themselves to party agents and failed to come out to defend themselves at the tribunal. Now, they are making noise. They are not surprised that Mimiko was declared the winner of the poll. They knew what they did at the poll; the stolen mandate has been returned to the rightful owner.”

?Olabisi also accused the PDP?of double standard. He said that the party did not call for the heads of the same tribunal members when they dismissed some petitions filed by LP candidates. He cautioned those still aggrieved over the outcome of the trial against making inflammatory statements since democracy was largely about the rule of law. He also advised the PDP leaders to exercise their right of appeal rather than making unnecessary noise. He said, “When Dr. Mimiko felt aggrieved after his mandate was stolen by Agagu and his cohorts, what we did was to file petitions. We diligently proved to the tribunal that ?Agagu was using a stolen mandate and now the mandate has been restored to the rightful owner.”

But the opposition parties in the state have called on Agagu to pack and leave the Alagbaka Government House. They are advising him to emulate the late Chief Adebayo Adefarati who was dethroned by Agagu in 2003.

Thursday, July 31, 2008

Bankole sacks 69 committee chairmen, deputies

Bankole sacks 69 committee chairmen, deputies

Published: Aug, 1 2008

The Speaker of the House of Representatives, Mr. Dimeji Bankole, on Thursday, formally dissolved the membership of 69 out of the 72 standing committees of the House.

Bankole specifically said that the development meant that the chairmen and deputies of the affected committees had been relieved of their duties.

The only committees whose members were spared for now were those of Finance, Business and Rules and the Committee on Appropriation.

Bankole explained that the committees had been reconstituted but kept the list of new members to himself saying that he would release it in September.

The speaker announced the removal of the chairmen of the committees shortly before the House proceeded on a five-week recess that would terminate on September 9.

The lawmakers also passed an amendment Appropriation Act of N2.6tn for 2008, which President Umaru Yar’Adua sent to the National Assembly on Thursday.

The dissolution of the committees had followed several months of speculations and tension in the House as some chairmen had reportedly vowed to fight the Bankole leadership if they were sacked.

Between June and July, the House had remained largely unstable owing to the uncertainty surrounding the fate of the chairmen and the plot by some other lawmakers to take-over their positions.

It was the first time since Bankole assumed office in November 2007 that he dissolved the committees, seen as the engine room of legislative duties, would be reshuffled.

The committee members were inherited from his predecessor, Mrs. Patricia Etteh.

Many committees were alleged not to be working due to reports that members opted to chase after certain committees considered as “juicy” at the expense of the assignments of their own committees.

It was also found that while certain powerful lawmakers belonged to as many as 12 committees, there were members who had no committees at all.

Investigations also showed that many lawmakers were in the “wrong” committees as they had little knowledge of the duties of the committees, thereby rendering themselves redundant.

Due to lack of proper coordination, most committees consistently failed to submit reports on assignments given to them by the House.

The poor performance of the committees affected the number of bills the House passed into law in the last session which ended on June 3.

Out of the 65 bills before the House as at June, only 11 had been passed into law.

Worried by the record, Bankole had observed, “Painfully, in lawmaking, we are not doing well.”

Yar’Adua initially proposed a budget of N2.4trn but the National Assembly jacked it up to N2.8trn and later reduced it to N2.7trn.

However, following a consensus said to have been reached between him and lawmakers, both sides had agreed that he should forward an amendment to the legislature.

Last month, the President sent the amendment to the National Assembly, further slashing the budget to N2.6trn.

Wednesday, July 30, 2008

Attah vs Akpabio: Cold war rages

Attah vs Akpabio: Cold war rages 31/7/2008




Against the backdrop of the unending cold war between the immediate past governor of Akwa Ibom State, Obong Victor Attah and his successor, Chief Godswill Akpabio, INIOBONG EKPONTA traces the root of the crisis, which may affect the socio-political and economic fabrics of the 21-year-old state.
Until May 29 last year, Obong Victor Bassey Udo Attah superintended over oil rich Akwa Ibom as the second civilian governor of the 21-year-old state.

Attah was elected on the platform of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in 1999 following political change of guard from military rule to democracy.

In 2003, Obong Attah was again re-elected to pilot the ship of the state.

However, the drum beat of power shift resonated in the twilight of his government, pitching Attah’s Ibibio ethnic group (which had enjoyed much political power) against the Annangs which recently came to the state political calculus with the election of Chief Godswill Obot Akpabio, an Annang of Essien Udim extraction.

Attah had during the December 2006 governorship primaries held at the State House of Assembly complex, Uyo, said the decision to respect the zoning principle was in line with ex-president Olusegun Obasanjo’s directive as adopted by the PDP .

With the political blank cheque handed over to Annang, the race for the Hilltop Mansion; Akwa Ibom seat of government was thrown open.

Roll of contestants included Obong Ime Umana; Chief Don Etiebet; Obong Christopher Ekpenyong; Dr. Udoma Bob Ekarika; Chief Itak Bob Ekarika and Akpabio, who took the crown when the final whistle was blown. He beat the over 50 candidates who jostled for the exalted position to the PDP ticket.

But the battle was fiercely fought as Attah who had initially anointed Akpabio, withdrew his support mid way and positioned Dr. Ekarika, his son-in-law who served in his cabinet as Works Commissioner to succeed him.

And with the power of incumbency and state funds at his disposal, Attah succeeded in pushing his son-in-law to the fore, but Ekarika, eventually lost to a combination of forces.

He, however, came second in the contest, but Attah was quick to devise another strategy, taking the matter to the party turf where he is the Board of Trustees (BOT) member. Those army of Akpabio’s supporters who rolled out the drums when Akpabio was declared winner of governorship primaries were quick to stop celebration when the picture was no longer clear about who would be declared the party’s flag bearer.

What heightened the anxiety of Akpabio’s men was PDP’s abracadabra politics, which could see the first becoming the last and the last first.

The political atmosphere of Akwa Ibom was heavily charged; suspense reigned supreme, giving room to speculations. When Akpabio could not be persuaded by his boss whom he served as Commissioner for Lands, Petroleum and Local Government and Chieftaincy Affairs between 2002 and 2006, the PDP hierarchy led by the then BOT Chairman, Chief Tony Anenih stepped in.

The party was in dire need of party faithful who could win election and Akpabio fit the bill .

At the reconciliation meeting held at Ibom Hall, Uyo, the Anenih group was able to impress it on Attah to sheathe his sword so that the state would not go to the opposition because of the crisis.

Attah was, therefore, asked to choose a running mate to Akpabio and he beckoned on his loyal friend and former Commissioner for Information, Chief Patrick Ekpotu, an engineer to team up with Akpabio in the task of running the state.

But in a manner reminiscent of Jesus Christ’s encounter with his disciple, Peter in the Bible, Attah lifting Akpabio’s hand asked three times: "Akpabio do you love me?", to which he answered three times in the affirmative.

But the battle line was to be drawn again soon after Akpabio was sworn in on May 29 last year. He said Attah left empty treasury with N40 billion declared missing from the vault.

Although Akpabio was quick to eat up his words, which were already amplified on the state-run radio, Attah saw this as a breach of the reconciliation agreement.

Since he took seat last year, Attah’s men in hooded garbs including Ekarika have been critical of Akpabio’s style of administration. Several petitions allegedly from Attah’s camp were sent to the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) accusing the government and its officials of engaging in corruption.

Secretary to State Government (SSG), Obong Umana Okon Umana; the Speaker of the State House of Assemby, Rt. Hon. Ignatius Edet and the former Commissioner for Local Government and Chieftaincy Affairs, Mr. Patrick Udomfang were among those summoned by the anti-graft agency to Abuja over the allegation, which the SSG described as baseless and frivolous. He said the EFCC could not prosecute the case because the petitioners were faceless.

Also, the battle for the soul of the PDP in Akwa Ibom has once again pitched Attah against his estranged god-son, Akpabio.

At the expiration of the tenure of Chief Otu Ita Toyo as the chairman of the party in the state late last year, investigation by The Nation revealed that Attah was given the free hand to pick the next chairman of the party.

Akpabio mobilised his men to take over the party machinery. They include Prince Uwem Ita Etuk, former Council Chair of Ibesikpo Asutan (Chairman PDP); Apostle Samuel Akpan, former Political and Legislative Adviser to Akpabio (Deputy Chairman) and Mr. Ibanga Akpabio, his relation who is the party secretary.

Attah is said to have petitioned the national secretariat of the party in Abuja, seeking the correction of the anomaly. The party chair, Chief Vincent Ogbulafor, The Nation gathered, has conferred legitimacy on Attah’s candidate, Mr. Abasi-Ubong Iniobong while Prince Etuk is barred from representing the state during party meetings in Abuja.

Political activities at the Ikot Ekpene Road, Uyo Secretariat of the party have been at the lowest ebb. The former PDP Chair, Alhaji Ahmadu Alli had on February 28, dispatched his wife, Mrs. M.N. Alli to Uyo to inaugurate the party executive, loyal to the Akwa Ibom State Government in a consensus arrangement which Mrs. Alli described as "carry go".

In Attah’s camp, his loyalists are crying foul as the event of the last couple of weeks, appeared to have punctured the ego of the former governor.

For instance, they pointed out that the politics of projects commissioning which Akpabio had embarked on since May 29, which marked his one year anniversary in office is aimed at removing Atttah’s imprints on the sands of time.

Mr. Stephen Akpan, an apostle of Attah’s school of thought, said the action was a calculated attempt to pooh-pooh Attah’s achievements in the last eight years preceding May 29, 2007.

He said: "Many of the projects bear Attah’s imprints, because he initiated it and he should be accorded that recognition as a statesman."

Besides, Akpan who hails from Attah’s area in Ibesikpo Asutan expressed disgust at what he called systematic expulsion of Attah’s forces in the state executive council.

He said the sacking of Mr. Essien Ubong Attah, younger brother to Attah as the Commissioner for Tourism was in bad faith. "Such action has political undertone", he said.

Other Attah’s loyalists that were eliminated in the recent cabinet shake-up, Akpan said, include: Dr. Ebebe Ukpong who had served in Attah’s cabinet for eight years and was named in Akpabio’s cabinet as Commissioner for Education; Dr. Chris Ekong, former Sports Commissioner in Attah’s administration who became commissioner for Economic Planning in Akpabio’s cabinet.

Just last week, a senior aide to Akpabio on Media and Public Affairs, Mr. Udeme Nana, who Attah recommended for Akpabio was also asked to go.

This has however raised fresh anxiety in the state, which prides itself as the most peaceful in the Niger-Delta region.

Last week, Mr. Nicholas Andy, the Returning Officer in the last state congress of the PDP accused Attah of perpetrating crisis in the state PDP. Contrary to the petition by Attah’s camp to the national chair of PDP that the election of the party executive in the state did not follow due process, Andy said the process that brought Prince Etuk-led executive was in line with the provision of the party’s constitution.

For the crisis not to degenerate into a full blown war, observers said there is need to douse the tension for the benefit of the people of the state.

Tuesday, July 29, 2008

How Mantu was dismantled

How Mantu was dismantled 29/7/2008




The bid of former Deputy Senate President, Ibrahim Mantu to return to the Senate suffered a major setback on Saturday, as he was defeated by the Action Congress candidate, Satty Gogwim. From Jos, PAM AYUBA writes on how various forces teamed up against Mantu to ensure his defeat.

The polls had been closed. But, the results were yet to be officially released. Yet, his country home in Gindiri was populated by people wearing long and gloomy faces. From a distance, one could sense that already there was acceptance of defeat. There was an unusual silence in the large compound built on a large expanse of land, that houses more than five different structures of different styles.

Before the re-run election in the Central Senatorial district last Saturday, the owner of the house, former Deputy Senate President, Ibrahim Mantu was sure of returning to the National Assembly. The second chance provided by the Court Appeal’s order of June 16, 2008, which annulled Satty Gogwim’s election was what Mantu needed to make a bodl bid to return to political relevance. But he missed it, as Gogwim won the seat for the second time in less than two years. He thus lost another chance of representing the Plateau Central Senatorial district, which is made up of five of the 17 local government areas of the state. They are Kanke; Pankshin; Mangu; Kanam and Bokkos. The zone has a population of 952,392 people out of which there are 465,738 registered voters, according to the latest 2006 census figures and INEC statistics.

The court of appeal under Justice Zainab Bulkachuwa had, on June 16, 2008, held that the lower court was right when it ruled that INEC was wrong in its decision not to include Zainab Abdulmalik of the Democratic Peoples Party (DPP) in that election. It therefore ordered the electoral body to conduct fresh elections in the senatorial district within 90 days. And in compliance, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) conducted the election last Saturday.

The golden opportunity provided by that re-run election could not redeem Mantu’s dwindling political fortunes. It also made nonsense of his claim of being the "Ultimate Leader" as voters humbled him in his central senatorial district.

Results of the bye-elections as announced by the returning officer, Ndechi Okechukwu showed Mantu of the People’s Democratic Party, PDP, polling 103,513 votes to place second to Senator Gogwim of the Acton Congress, AC, who polled 141,297 to retain the seat he won April last year.

Okechukwu announced the outcome of the elections at exactly 6:30am last Sunday after all the five local government areas that participated in the re-run election had submitted their results.

In Mangu, Mantu’s home local government, Gogwim was returned with total votes of 32,685 to Mantu’s 30,977, showing a difference of about 1,708 votes.

In Kanke and Pankshin local government areas, where Gogwim has dominance due to ethnic considerations, Mantu was squarely rounded up as Gogwim scored 31,489 to 6,158 and 37,307 to 19,041 respectively.

In Kanam, Mantu took the day as he polled 34,685 to Gogwim’s 20,708 while in Bokkos Gogwim polled 19,108 to beat Mantu who scored 12,667 votes.

Since the announcement of the results, not a few have wondered how Gogwim did it. The Nation learnt that several forces teamed up to ensure Mantu was defeated. In the forefront of the forces against Mantu was former governor Joshua Dariye from Bokkos local government area. Dariye personally led the AC campaign.

In all the five local government areas that the campaign train went, a large turn out of party supporters came to welcome the Dariye-led team, despite the heavy down pour witnessed in most of the campaign grounds. The situation was not so with Mantu, where in some instances only a few "hired-crowd" were seen scantily showing support for the former deputy senate president.

Dariye, while addressing party supporters, said: "Plateau State needs peace and for such peace to be attained, the likes of Mantu can not be entrusted with leadership position as he still has an unfinished business to achieve."

"Mantu is an impeachment senator," Dariye said in one of his campaign speeches in Mangu, Mantu’s home local government area. He told party loyalists that those who still believe in him should not vote Mantu as anyone who does that has "betrayed him".

The former governor said voting Mantu was like voting for the impeachment of Jang, a situation he said he does not like. He said he would not allow anybody to go through what he passed through. "Plateau state needs development not impeachment," he said.

The presence of Dariye throughout the re-run campaigns of Gogwim did not only add impetus but was an indication that the rivalry between him and Mantu was far from being over as earlier speculated.

Weeks after the appellate court up-held the judgment of the lower tribunal, romance between supporters of Dariye and Mantu became the talk of the town. In some quarters, it was held that the two had reconciled and were always seen eating together and exchanging banters. However, supporters of the two camps soon engaged themselves in physical combats.

In Mangu local government, for instance, Mantu’s supporters known as "Mantu Vanguard" allegedly destroyed cars that were on the convoy of the AC candidate and beat one person to a state of coma. The situation was worse in both Pankshin and Kanam where supporters of the two main parties displayed political intolerance.

The voting pattern at the election shows that in Mangu local government area where he hails from, voters voted based on religious sentiments. Mangu is made of over 85 percent Christians with the dominant tribe being the Mwagavwuls.

In Bokkos, the Dariye factor played a role in dismantling Mantu. Though, religious sentiment could not be outrightly ruled out, the people of Bokkos are still very bitter with the former Deputy Senate President for his role in the ‘illegal impeachment’ of their son, Dariye.

In Pankshin local government, ethnicity and religion played a significant role in the defeat of Mantu. This was the same with Kanke, home local government to Gogwim.

However, in Kanam, where there is a large concentration of Muslims, Mantu won.

Whatever the factors that led to his defeat, Mantu may need to do a lot to oil his political machinery if he wants to remain relevant in the politics of the state.

Militants attack two oil pipelines, SPDC shuts in production

Again, militants attack two oil pipelines, SPDC shuts in production

Published: Tuesday, 29 Jul 2008

Militants struck twice in the Niger Delta region on Monday, forcing the Shell Petroleum Development Company to shut in some production in one of the damaged facilities — the Nembe Trunk line in Kula, Rivers State.

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Agency reporter

Niger Delta Militant

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Chief of Defence Staff, Gen. Azazi

The second facility (pipeline) attacked by the militants is located in Rumuekpe, Emuoha Local Government. The owner of the pipeline was yet to be ascertained as 7pm on Monday.

The Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta claimed responsibility for the attacks just as the Nigerian Army said that it would continue to use minimum force in its efforts to restore peace in the area.

The Public Affairs Manager of the SPDC, Mr. Precious Okolobo, explained that the decision to close the Nembe Trunk line was to prevent more crude from spilling into the neigbourhood.

Okolobo, however, said the company was still trying to find out the extent of the damage to the trunk line, one of the major components of its operations.

He said, “We can confirm some damage to our Nembe Trunk line and we are working to ascertain the extent of damage to it.

“But as a precautionary measure, we have shut in some production so that more crude does not sip into the environment.”

MEND said in an e-mail statement to THE PUNCH that the attack was carried out in fulfilment of its pledge to resume hostilities in the region.

The two-paragraph statement reads, “In keeping with our pledge to resume pipeline attacks within the next 30 days, our detonation engineers backed by heavily armed fighters today (Monday) sabotaged two major pipelines in Rivers State of Nigeria.

“The first pipeline is located in Kula, which has been previously sabotaged by us and the second in Rumuekpe both belonging, we believe, to the SPDC.”

But when contacted on the telephone, the Spokesman for the Joint Task Force, Lt. Col. Sagir Musa, claimed that no attack was carried out on the facility in Rumuekpe.

Musa said the facility in Rumukpe was heavily guarded by troops from the task force.

MEND had on July 19 attacked the multi-million dollar Bonga and Pennington oil fields of the SPDC.

Meanwhile, the Nigerian Army has said that in spite of losing some of its men in the battle to restore peace in the Niger Delta region, it would not apply full military force in dislodging the militants in the Niger Delta.

The Army Chief of Operations, Maj.-Gen. Mohammed Sale, told journalists in Kontagora, Niger State on Monday, that the Army needed to exercise restraint because the militants were a symmetric force (weaker force).

Sale said, “We cannot use our might to resolve the crisis in the Niger Delta and this is because of the simple reason that it is a homeland affair.

“We regard what the militants are fighting for as a home affair. So the best thing to do is to use the minimum possible force to resolve the crisis.”

He said another reason why the Army would not embark on full scale war against militants was because every Nigerian had the right to express his or her dislike against some perceived misgivings in the country.

Also on Monday, the Chief of Army Staff, Lt. Gen. Luka Yussuf, empahsised the need for officers and men of the Nigerian Army to be trained on a regular basis.

Yussuf, in a message to the opening of a four- day Combat Support Arms Training in Kontagora , said that the nation’s combat support troops were well trained and equipped to cope with modern day warfare.

In his address, the Commander, Corps of Artillery, Maj.- Gen. John Samuel, noted that training was a phenomenon the Army should not allow to be taken to the back stage.

He said history was replete with instances whereby armies had failed or lost battles because they lacked up-to-date training to meet present day challenges.

Monday, July 28, 2008

‘Yar’Adua should declare emergency on corruption, not power’

‘Yar’Adua should declare emergency on corruption, not power’

Published: Monday, 28 Jul 2008

Nigeria‘s image seemed to have improved with former President Olusegun Obasanjo‘s claim to fight corruption during his administration. Do you think with all the revelations now, the country‘s image outside would not have worsened?

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Gen. Ishola Williams, TI boss

The corruption drive that started during the era of former President Olusegun Obasanjo gained some momentum. It showed that we were ready to expose to the world, some of our corrupt practices. We can call that washing our dirty linen in the open. But this is something that is necessary in order to be able to minimise corruption in our country. At least, that is good for our image. On the negative side, what is important is this: It is not the probe as such; but whether those who are found to have committed what I will call crime against poor Nigerians by taking out contracts, collecting money and not doing anything; that is what I call crime against poor Nigerians and therefore, they should be like crimes against humanity. Because it is a very serious problem, it is a very serious issue. If they are not punished, that is very bad. Secondly too, not only should they be punished, but they should have all their assets forfeited and I want to see a situation in which like the election tribunal, that will judge their cases within three months and there should be a situation in which once it has been proven from the probe and the National Assembly members have visited the sites (contracts) and there is nothing on those sites, then it is assumed that those people are guilty. So it is left for them now to prove to the world that they are not guilty, and if they cannot, all their assets should be seized and they should send them to jail for forty years, minimum. That is what the world is looking for now. If they can do that, I am assuring you that our image will skyrocket. We do not even need to publicise ourselves on CNN. But at the very moment, we are not the envy of any investor that comes to Nigeria. Any investor that comes to the country is investing in corruption, which is the way I can describe the present situation.

What was the involvement of TI in Obasanjo‘s battle against corruption?

To a certain extent, it is not the business of TI to help Nigeria to fight against corruption. There are 51 nations that are members of TI; it has no capacity to stop corruption in any of those countries. It is our own responsibility as TI in Nigeria because we understand the conditions better. The issue is that it is not only TI, it has to be the will of Nigerians to take the matter up, accountants, judges- must have the will to be able to do what they are expected to do. Just like the case of Mr. Nuhu Ribadu, the press will not allow us to rest, every single day it was Ribadu, Ribadu. How did the gentleman get N40-60m to buy house in Abuja? And the man said his father-in-law got a loan from the bank for him. So if he were caught in that kind of situation, what about his subordinates, and right now Mrs. Farida Waziri got there and she is saying, I am not going to probe him, it is all because they are policemen and women. As long as we continue to have policemen and women investigating corruption in our country, then we are wasting our time.

What is Nigeria‘s rating in TI at the moment?

The point is that we have just moved on to the stage. We are making effort, we are exposing all the cases of corruption and this had never happened before and if we want to move up that stage, we should be seen to be punishing all those who have been found to be wanting by the court. Secondly there are so many numbers of people who have stolen money and are sitting down in the Senate. Even from the leadership of the Senate to members of the House of Assembly who are alleged to have gone to Port Harcourt to collect N200m, the hunters are now being hunted. The issue is very straight forward, punish those who have been found wanting. All those former governors and the rest of them who are running around the place and they are giving them back their passport, and now we have a very serious situation today in the country. Most of those governors who have stolen public money are establishing newspapers, buying big shares in television houses, they want to control the media, and that is dangerous. If they do that, journalists cannot do their job because they will be looking down their back, if not they would not get paid. In any case, how many journalists get paid? So, if you look at all these things, the average policeman collects N20, and you see that the Inspector-Generals, one after the other, they are so corrupt. One of them was even buying the official quarters of his position. So, you see, it is the system that is so rotten. We are talking about ‘2020‘, how can you talk about building a skyscraper when you have not put in the foundation. It will collapse. Therefore, what the President should do is to declare a state of emergency against corruption, not on power. Electricity is not a big deal; it is just the supply of electricity. Lagos State wanted to do it, it was the Federal Government that stopped them. If not, everybody would have been having electricity in Lagos. Power is not our problem, what our problem is, is corruption. Until Yar‘Adua does that, we would know that he is a very serious person. After all, who is supplying water to all the states? Are they not supplying their own water? So let electricity, just like water, be handled by individual states.

Who would you blame for some of the amazing discoveries over contracts awards in the various institutions?

The whole thing is that; let us assume that the system is so bad that even if they put you there, it is like putting honey on the tip of your tongue. Would you swallow it or spit it out? So in most cases, they will swallow the honey. When ministers, permanent secretaries get there, they meet our contract system that is bad. What we need to do is this; no ministry should be allowed to award contracts. We should have government procurement agency. During the time of the British, there used to be what they called the ‘crown agent.‘ The tasks were given to them (crown agent) and they in turn will order what you want for you; from pencil to paper to everything that you want in your ministry. That was the only contract point of the government. That allows us now to be able to monitor that particular agency where contracts emanate. But where you have all the ministries in the world that are doing contracts, then you have a problem. That is why we have this very bad system, and of course the ministers, permanent secretaries and civil servants would like that kind of system to remain. One of the areas where we are having corruption cases in Nigeria and why it is very fundamental is that, one, the derivation system that we use in sharing money, is corrupting itself. How would the mobilisation and allocation commission that is distributing salary for everybody, when they do not mobilise any revenue. It is very bad. People should be paid according to what they can generate in their local government in their states. Not somebody sitting down in Abuja, and telling people what to be paid in remote areas of this country. We do not need all those ministries that we have at the federal level. What are the states there for? They should reduce the number of ministries (federal) to twelve, let the states do their job, as well as the local governments. That is why we have three tiers of government. In Nigeria, it is only one tier that seems to be working; the others are just spending money.

In all of this, where do you put Obasanjo?

Right from the beginning, I knew that Obasanjo was a hypocrite. I never accepted that, one, Obasanjo could fight corruption, because of his character and he has not disappointed me at all, from the investigations that are going on now. Two, it is stupid for anyone to think that politicians can fight corruption. Political system all over the world is corrupt. It is the people, and the people must work with the mass media so that there would be constant investigative journalism in the press and the judiciary. And then, we must have lawyers and accountants with conscience. Our lawyers and accountants do not have any conscience; they follow money.

Of what use would the ongoing probes be to the country?

These probes are very useful. There have been rumours and the probes are now there to confirm the rumour. Therefore what is EFCC waiting for, what is the Independent Corrupt Practices and other Related Offences Commission waiting for? Once people have written petition to EFCC and ICPC, these probes would now make them to act because many people had written petition before about their governors, local government chairmen, contractors, ministers and so on. There are some that are still being kept under the carpet, there are rumours about the one of fertilizers in the agriculture ministry, we have not heard anything about that. The former governor of Delta State, Chief James Ibori, is running around the whole world. There are some other governors who are sitting down in the village, while others are being arrested. So this is the issue. But the media would not bring this out, because they are their friends or if a journalist goes ahead to do the story, the editor may not publish them. Look at the way journalists are doing their election, they are not different from the politicians. It is because everyone wants to be the president of the Guild of Editors.

How do you situate the National Assembly in all these cases of corruption, especially with their attitude to the Freedom of Information bill?

I know people are making a big issue about this FOI bill. There is no doubt that it is very important, but as long as you continue to push the National Assembly, they would say there is a hidden agenda, and therefore they would continue to resist it. Now, the Senate may want to prove that it supports, but they know that as long as the House of Representatives does not pass it, it would not have any value, even if the President is ready to sign it. It is like the Yoruba saying that there are many ways of killing a chicken; either by putting the knife on its neck or in other places.

‘Yar’Adua should declare emergency on corruption, not power’

‘Yar’Adua should declare emergency on corruption, not power’

Published: Monday, 28 Jul 2008

Nigeria‘s image seemed to have improved with former President Olusegun Obasanjo‘s claim to fight corruption during his administration. Do you think with all the revelations now, the country‘s image outside would not have worsened?

click to expand image

Gen. Ishola Williams, TI boss

The corruption drive that started during the era of former President Olusegun Obasanjo gained some momentum. It showed that we were ready to expose to the world, some of our corrupt practices. We can call that washing our dirty linen in the open. But this is something that is necessary in order to be able to minimise corruption in our country. At least, that is good for our image. On the negative side, what is important is this: It is not the probe as such; but whether those who are found to have committed what I will call crime against poor Nigerians by taking out contracts, collecting money and not doing anything; that is what I call crime against poor Nigerians and therefore, they should be like crimes against humanity. Because it is a very serious problem, it is a very serious issue. If they are not punished, that is very bad. Secondly too, not only should they be punished, but they should have all their assets forfeited and I want to see a situation in which like the election tribunal, that will judge their cases within three months and there should be a situation in which once it has been proven from the probe and the National Assembly members have visited the sites (contracts) and there is nothing on those sites, then it is assumed that those people are guilty. So it is left for them now to prove to the world that they are not guilty, and if they cannot, all their assets should be seized and they should send them to jail for forty years, minimum. That is what the world is looking for now. If they can do that, I am assuring you that our image will skyrocket. We do not even need to publicise ourselves on CNN. But at the very moment, we are not the envy of any investor that comes to Nigeria. Any investor that comes to the country is investing in corruption, which is the way I can describe the present situation.

What was the involvement of TI in Obasanjo‘s battle against corruption?

To a certain extent, it is not the business of TI to help Nigeria to fight against corruption. There are 51 nations that are members of TI; it has no capacity to stop corruption in any of those countries. It is our own responsibility as TI in Nigeria because we understand the conditions better. The issue is that it is not only TI, it has to be the will of Nigerians to take the matter up, accountants, judges- must have the will to be able to do what they are expected to do. Just like the case of Mr. Nuhu Ribadu, the press will not allow us to rest, every single day it was Ribadu, Ribadu. How did the gentleman get N40-60m to buy house in Abuja? And the man said his father-in-law got a loan from the bank for him. So if he were caught in that kind of situation, what about his subordinates, and right now Mrs. Farida Waziri got there and she is saying, I am not going to probe him, it is all because they are policemen and women. As long as we continue to have policemen and women investigating corruption in our country, then we are wasting our time.

What is Nigeria‘s rating in TI at the moment?

The point is that we have just moved on to the stage. We are making effort, we are exposing all the cases of corruption and this had never happened before and if we want to move up that stage, we should be seen to be punishing all those who have been found to be wanting by the court. Secondly there are so many numbers of people who have stolen money and are sitting down in the Senate. Even from the leadership of the Senate to members of the House of Assembly who are alleged to have gone to Port Harcourt to collect N200m, the hunters are now being hunted. The issue is very straight forward, punish those who have been found wanting. All those former governors and the rest of them who are running around the place and they are giving them back their passport, and now we have a very serious situation today in the country. Most of those governors who have stolen public money are establishing newspapers, buying big shares in television houses, they want to control the media, and that is dangerous. If they do that, journalists cannot do their job because they will be looking down their back, if not they would not get paid. In any case, how many journalists get paid? So, if you look at all these things, the average policeman collects N20, and you see that the Inspector-Generals, one after the other, they are so corrupt. One of them was even buying the official quarters of his position. So, you see, it is the system that is so rotten. We are talking about ‘2020‘, how can you talk about building a skyscraper when you have not put in the foundation. It will collapse. Therefore, what the President should do is to declare a state of emergency against corruption, not on power. Electricity is not a big deal; it is just the supply of electricity. Lagos State wanted to do it, it was the Federal Government that stopped them. If not, everybody would have been having electricity in Lagos. Power is not our problem, what our problem is, is corruption. Until Yar‘Adua does that, we would know that he is a very serious person. After all, who is supplying water to all the states? Are they not supplying their own water? So let electricity, just like water, be handled by individual states.

Who would you blame for some of the amazing discoveries over contracts awards in the various institutions?

The whole thing is that; let us assume that the system is so bad that even if they put you there, it is like putting honey on the tip of your tongue. Would you swallow it or spit it out? So in most cases, they will swallow the honey. When ministers, permanent secretaries get there, they meet our contract system that is bad. What we need to do is this; no ministry should be allowed to award contracts. We should have government procurement agency. During the time of the British, there used to be what they called the ‘crown agent.‘ The tasks were given to them (crown agent) and they in turn will order what you want for you; from pencil to paper to everything that you want in your ministry. That was the only contract point of the government. That allows us now to be able to monitor that particular agency where contracts emanate. But where you have all the ministries in the world that are doing contracts, then you have a problem. That is why we have this very bad system, and of course the ministers, permanent secretaries and civil servants would like that kind of system to remain. One of the areas where we are having corruption cases in Nigeria and why it is very fundamental is that, one, the derivation system that we use in sharing money, is corrupting itself. How would the mobilisation and allocation commission that is distributing salary for everybody, when they do not mobilise any revenue. It is very bad. People should be paid according to what they can generate in their local government in their states. Not somebody sitting down in Abuja, and telling people what to be paid in remote areas of this country. We do not need all those ministries that we have at the federal level. What are the states there for? They should reduce the number of ministries (federal) to twelve, let the states do their job, as well as the local governments. That is why we have three tiers of government. In Nigeria, it is only one tier that seems to be working; the others are just spending money.

In all of this, where do you put Obasanjo?

Right from the beginning, I knew that Obasanjo was a hypocrite. I never accepted that, one, Obasanjo could fight corruption, because of his character and he has not disappointed me at all, from the investigations that are going on now. Two, it is stupid for anyone to think that politicians can fight corruption. Political system all over the world is corrupt. It is the people, and the people must work with the mass media so that there would be constant investigative journalism in the press and the judiciary. And then, we must have lawyers and accountants with conscience. Our lawyers and accountants do not have any conscience; they follow money.

Of what use would the ongoing probes be to the country?

These probes are very useful. There have been rumours and the probes are now there to confirm the rumour. Therefore what is EFCC waiting for, what is the Independent Corrupt Practices and other Related Offences Commission waiting for? Once people have written petition to EFCC and ICPC, these probes would now make them to act because many people had written petition before about their governors, local government chairmen, contractors, ministers and so on. There are some that are still being kept under the carpet, there are rumours about the one of fertilizers in the agriculture ministry, we have not heard anything about that. The former governor of Delta State, Chief James Ibori, is running around the whole world. There are some other governors who are sitting down in the village, while others are being arrested. So this is the issue. But the media would not bring this out, because they are their friends or if a journalist goes ahead to do the story, the editor may not publish them. Look at the way journalists are doing their election, they are not different from the politicians. It is because everyone wants to be the president of the Guild of Editors.

How do you situate the National Assembly in all these cases of corruption, especially with their attitude to the Freedom of Information bill?

I know people are making a big issue about this FOI bill. There is no doubt that it is very important, but as long as you continue to push the National Assembly, they would say there is a hidden agenda, and therefore they would continue to resist it. Now, the Senate may want to prove that it supports, but they know that as long as the House of Representatives does not pass it, it would not have any value, even if the President is ready to sign it. It is like the Yoruba saying that there are many ways of killing a chicken; either by putting the knife on its neck or in other places.

Saturday, July 26, 2008

PDP leaders sulk as Mimiko supporters step up celebration

PDP leaders sulk as Mimiko supporters step up celebration

Published: Sunday, 27 Jul 2008

PEOPLES Democratic Party stalwarts in Ondo State were still in a rude shock on Saturday as their Labour Party counterparts continued their celebration over the ruling of the state election tribunal on Friday.

click to expand image

Mimiko

As at press time, many PDP leaders believed that the judgment was a travesty of justice and restated their position to head for the Court of Appeal.

LP governorship candidate, Dr. Olusegun Mimiko, was declared as the duly elected Governor of Ondo State by the Justice Garba Nabaruma-led election petitions tribunal.

Although security has been relaxed, celebrations continued late night on Friday.

Our correspondent gathered that people ate and drank throughout the night at most beer parlours in Ondo town where Mimiko comes from.

There were celebrations in some big hotels as his supporters staged all night parties.

But there was gloom in the camp of the Peoples Democratic Party.

Musicians, who were invited to stage a show to celebrate Agagu‘s anticipated victory, hurriedly packed their instruments as the tribunal declared the petitioner the duly elected governor.

Also, cows meant for celebration by PDP supporters were said to have suddenly disappeared following the shock inflicted on them by the judgement.

The Minister of Culture and Tourism, Prince Adetokunbo Kayode (SAN) who was present at the tribunal said that the tribunal erred.

He explained, ”The judgement was shocking and it was a great disappointment. I was in this state when the election took place. There was peaceful election in most parts of the state.”

All the allegations contained in the petition were never proven. The petitioner failed to prove his case beyond reasonable doubt.

“The judgement of the tribunal clearly and violently contradicted the earlier ones given by the same tribunal.”

Kayode said that Agagu would beef up his legal team with more senior lawyers who would prove his case at the appeal level.

He added that more senior lawyers would offer free legal services to Agagu just to prove that the Nabaruma headed panel was wrong.

He said that he was confident that the judgement would be upturned at the appellate court.

He said that he would not accuse the tribunal of bribery but he held that the panel was wrong in arriving at its decision to send Agagu packing.

“I cannot attack the panel members. But they are wrong! You know that every judge has a right to be wrong. There is no big deal about being wrong, the panel was wrong in this case and the Court of Appeal will correct the wrongs,” he said.

The State Secretary of the PDP, Mr. Olusola Oludipe, also condemned the verdict.

Oludipe said, ”The position of our party is that the judgment is unacceptable and it is rejected in its entirety, we have every reason to believe that the judgment was not well considered. It was lacking in soundness.

”The evidences that we adduced and canvassed before the tribunal were not appraised, evaluated and correct deductions made before the judgment was arrived at. We have every reason to believe that we will succeed at the level of appeal.

“In the light of the evidence before the court, what was read fell short of standard of balance and sound judgement.”

Members of the Movement for the Emancipation of Niger Delta joined in hailing the ruling of the tribunal.

The spokesman of the Ondo State chapter of MEND who identified himself as Ajija said this in text messages sent to journalists on Friday night.

The message read, ”The council of the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta is vindicated. The tribunal‘s declarative judgement has actually corroborated our last year‘s declaration that the April 14,2007 gubernatorial election was rigged for Dr. Agagu.

“The verdict has now shown that the election was rigged for Dr. Agagu. Kudos to the judiciary which is the last hope of the common man. Congratulations Mimiko.”

It will be recalled that the militants last year demanded N500m from Agagu. They said that the money was to enable them to demobilise recruited militants who operated during the April 14 poll.The governor has since denied having any business with the militants.

Thursday, July 24, 2008

Reps panel declares $210m signature bonuses missing

Oil probe: Reps panel declares $210m signature bonuses missing

Published: Friday, 25 Jul 2008

The House of Representatives ad-hoc committee probing the oil and gas sector from 1999 to date has declared $210m signature bonuses paid by two oil companies missing.

The amount was realised from the oil block bid rounds conducted by the Department of Petroleum Resources in 2005.

The committee said during its public sitting in Abuja on Thursday that Shell Untra-Deep Nigeria Limited paid $210m for OPL 245, out of which the DPR’s financial record showed only $1m.

It added that another firm, Zebra, paid $20m for OPL 248 which reflected in the Nigerian Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative records, but showed $19m in that of the DPR.

“The panel is looking for $209m paid by Shell Ultra-Deep. The NEITI report says that Zebra paid $20m on OPL 248, but the DPR information I have is that Zebra paid $19m,” the Chairman of the committee, Mr. Igo Aguma, said.

However, the suspended DPR Director, Mr. Tony Chukwueke, told the committee that the negotiation that resulted in the $210m Shell Ultra-Deep payment was beyond the level of the agency.

He therefore pleaded with the committee to give him time to return to the DPR so as to examine the documents before it.

The committee also queried the processes that the selective bid rounds of 2003 followed when OPLs 233, 251 and 257 were sold.

A former DPR director, Mr. Mark Ofurhe, told the committee that the department carried out the exercise based on a memo from a former Special Assistant to the then President Olusegun Obasanjo, Mr. Funsho Kupolokun.

Ofurhe explained that Kupolokun acted on behalf of the then Adviser to the President on Petroleum Matters, Alhaji Rulwani Lukeman.

Asked who the minister of Petroleum Resources was, the DPR officials present found it difficult to say that it was Obasanjo, who was also the President.

However, at a point, Ofurhe acknowledged that the Minister of Petroleum Resources then was Obasanjo.

The question on who was the approving authority of oil block allocations was answered by the DPR Adviser on Legal Matters, Mrs. Elizabeth Akah.

She said that Obasanjo signed her regulations (legal instruments) as the Minister of Petroleum Resources.

“We were never bold enough (DPR officials) to say that the former President was the minister. I have a couple of memos from me which he signed as President and Minister of Petroleum Resources,” Akah added.

Her submission made a member of the committee, Mr. Leo Ogor, to read Section 138 of the 1999 Constitution, which states that the President shall not hold any other executive position, other than that of the President.

Ogor added that by virtue of section 147 of the constitution which vested the power to approve all ministerial nominees in the Senate, Obasanjo had erred in law by performing the role of petroleum minister without being ever presented to the Senate for approval as one.

Reacting to Ogor’s position, Ofurhe pleaded with the committee not to drag him into politics.

“That is beyond me. That is a political issue which is beyond me,” he said.

The panel members condemned selective bidding and marginal fields farming (allocation), saying they were open to corruption and abuses.

They also criticised the DPR for keeping the country’s oil fields data abroad without regard to its economic and security implications.

Chukwueke had told the committee that the Nigerian Civil War (1967 to 1970) forced the country to locate the data abroad, but added that efforts had been on since 2005 to repatriate the

Wednesday, July 23, 2008

2006 Electoral Act and penalties for rigging

2006 Electoral Act and penalties for rigging 24/7/2008




What is the worth of a legislation that is not enforced? Deputy Political Editor EMMANUEL OLADESU re-examines the 2006 Electoral Act within the context of the elusive search for solutions to electoral malpractices outside the legal framework.
What punishment for election riggers? To lawyers, it is no big puzzle. The challenge, they contend, is the obvious lack of will and capacity by the appropriate authorities to enforce the constitutional provisions on penalties for all forms of malpractices.

The Electoral Act 2006 is not silent on the fate of desperate Nigerians who attempt to undermine or truncate democracy through dubious election.

Part VIII of the Act dwells at length on Electoral offences and appropriate sanctions. Sixteen offences under the act constitute unruly electoral behaviours.

Listed are offences in relation to registration and nominations, disorderly behaviour at political meetings; improper use of voters’ card and vehicles, impersonalisation and voting when not qualified, dereliction of duty, and bribery and conspiracy.

There are also repercussions for breach of secret voting, wrongful voting and false statement, voting by unregistered person, disorderly conduct at election, poll-related offences, threatening, undue influence and recall offences.

The examination of these punitive measures shows that before, during and after the election, the politicians, voters, electoral officers, security agents and other citizens stand before the mirror of law for behaviour regulation.

However, since these provisions were not applied during the 2007 general elections and the re-run polls, they only exist for cosmetic reasons.

The late Professor Jadesola Akande, a legal scholar had reflected on that vanity of legislation after making an oral submission to the Adebayo Williams-led Lagos State Electoral Reforms Committee at Ikeja.

She observed that the Constitution and Electoral Act were only meaningful if their provisions were invoked after their breaches.

"We have these penalties against rigging and other electoral vices. But, they are not enforced," she remarked.

Critical to the enforcement of the laws against election-related offences are the Federal and state governments, and the police.

But, owing to the synergy between the ruling parties and top echelon of the police to subvert the electoral process in favour of the highest bidder, the result is "business as usual."

Rebellious politicians, many point out, carry on with the assault on the ballot box, because they were insulated from arrest and prosecution.

The presidency offered the towering cover for the most ridiculous electoral arson during the Obasanjo years to the extent that when the Anambra State godfather, Chris Uba and his enstranged political godson, Chris Ngige owned up to rigging to retain the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in power, the police could not touch them.

By 2007, the rigging which was supervised by the do-or-die president went out of hand. Ballot stuffing, box snatching, blood bath, falsification, kidnap of electoral officers and results assumed a more dangerous dimension, to the consternation of international observers, domestic monitors and electorate.

President Umaru Yar’Adua who rode to power on the back of the flawed election promptly acknowledged the rot and promptly promised electoral reforms.

The Presidential Electoral Reforms Panel headed by Mohammadu Uwais, the retired Chief Justice of the Federation has been collating opinions on the proposed assignment of reshaping the country’s electoral future.

The suggestions by the individuals, groups and associations do not differ substantially on the existing legal punishment for electoral fraud.

Nigeria’s march to democracy has been unduly slow. Only the transition to civil rule packaged by the military rule, except during the Babangida period, could be credited with a measure of success.

Yet, many innovations that could propel the country forward democratically came up under the cunning regime.

After the fall of the Second Republic, Military President Ibrahim Babangida who displaced Major-General Muhammadu Buhari set up the Babalakin Panel to investigate the rancorous 1983 general elections which ended in fiasco in some states where lives were lost and property damaged by the protesting voters.

In its report, the panel identified major short-comings and abuses. On the compilation of voters register alone, the flaws ranged from compilation of fictitious names to illegal compilation of separate voters’ list, multiple registration of voters during the revision, illegal compilation of separate voters list and multiple registration of voters during the revision.

Justice Bola Babalakin (rtd) also frowned at illegal printing of voters’ cards, registration of unqualified persons, illegal possession of ballot boxes, stuffing of ballot boxes with ballot papers, falsification of election results and voting by under-aged children.

Other anormalies recorded were refusal to supply election materials, announcement of results where there were no elections, unauthorised announcement of results, harassment of candidates, agents or the electorate, change of list of electoral officials, tampering with figures and switching of votes, box snatching and inflation of figures.

The commission recommended certain punishment to the Federal Electoral Commission (FEDECO) officials at state levels who compromised their positions by supporting the cause of parties and candidates on poll day. They were to be barred from holding public positions.

Babalakin Panel also observed that political thuggery had become part of the electioneering campaign and strategies of the nation’s political parties. It therefore, recommended that government should consider passing legislations against political thuggery.

In addition, it was recommended that at election times, special investigation units should be set up in the police that can give speedy attention to reported cases of election malpractices.

The panel also recommended that the ministries of Justice should make special arrangements to expedite action on cases involving electoral malpractices. Besides, it suggested that special courts manned by magistrates and judges, serving or retired, should be set up to try the cases.

There appears to be a particular linkage between the panel’s recommendations and the 2006 Electoral Act. In the course of political evolution,, the problems envisaged by the commission and the Act have refused to abate as a result of the tension created by the inordinate ambition for power and sit-tight syndrome.

But, it would appear that the Act is a window dressing because operative content has not been given to the provisions, either by government, police or the private citizens.

In the same vein, no deprived politician, relations of victims of political assassinations, thuggery and mayhem during electioneering have sought for the application of the relevant sections of the Act to serve as deterrents to potential thugs.

Culprits, for example, are liable on conviction to a maximum fine of N100,000 or to 12 month imprisonment or both under Section 124. Under this Section, the offences relate to registration. It covers false statements to the registration officers, impersonation, obstruction or registration and revision or registration in a wrong constituency.

Offences under Section 125 attract jail or financial penalty. Included in the list are forgery of nomination, ballot and other official papers. The convicted is liable to the sum of N200,000.

Similarly, the illegal printing of ballot papers, possession of ballot boxes and storage attracts a fine of N500,000 or five year imprisonment. Unruly behaviour at political meetings even attract a N100,000 fine or 12 month imprisonment.

A voter found with voters card, buys, sells or procures voters’ card is not expected to go scot free. Upon conviction, he is liable to N100,000 fine or 12 month imprisonment or both.

There is no leniency for unpatriotic electoral officers. Under Sectioin 130. Late coming to the polling booths in unpardonable. It attracts N100,000 or 12 month imprisonment because it is viewed as dereliction of duty.

According to the Act, any person who announces or publishes an election result knowing same to be false or which is at variance with the signed certificate or return commits an offence and is liable on conviction to 36 months imprisonment."

More importantly, "any person who delivers or causes to be delivered a false certificate of return knowing same to be false to any news media commits an offence and is liable on conviction to imprisonment for three years."

Under Section 131, bribery and conspiracy to commit electoral atrocities attract a year imprisonment or fine of N100,000.

"A voter commits an offence of bribery who before or during an election directly or indirectly himself or by any other person on his behalf, receives, agrees or contracts for any money, gift, loan or valuable consideration, office, place or employment for himself, or for any other person, for voting or agreeing to vote or for refraining or agreeing to refrain from voting at any such election," the Act added.

On election day, it is prohibited to canvass for votes, solicit for vote, persuade voters to vote and not to vote for a particular candidate, shout slogans and be in possession of offensive weapons, party dress and symbol. The penalty is N50,000 fine or six months imprisonment.

Tuesday, July 22, 2008

We won’t have another Adedibu in Ibadan

Akinjide: We won’t have another Adedibu in Ibadan 23/7/2008




Chief Richard Osuolale Abimbola Akinjide is easily remembered as the scourge of the progressive forces in the South-West in the First and Second Republics.As a Senior Advocate of Nigeria and former Attorney-General of the Federation, he examines the on-going attempts to review the Constitution and reform the electoral system. He submits that all efforts will fail unless there is a thorough re-orientation of the attitude of INEC officials. He spoke with Group Political Editor, BOLADE OMONIJO and OZIEGBE OKOEKI.
There is a general concern about the electoral system and the entire political situation in the country, how do we restore integrity into the system?

That is the word, to restore integrity, that is the heart of the problem. And you got it right.

It is not the law, it is not the regulations that are at fault, it is the integrity of the people applying the law that is the problem. You probably know that there is nothing original in our electoral laws. When we were operating the parliamentary system, the electoral laws we operated was the British. And when we also went for the presidential system the electoral law we used were partly British and partly American.

Those laws worked very well in America, in England and India. The critical question is, why is it that they don’t work in Nigeria.

The answer is our character, attitude and our lack of respect for the rule of law. India is the greatest democracy in the world today and the population of India is 1.2 billion people. And India was a colony of Britain, after independence they left their colonial past behind them and they embraced democracy.

But Nigeria, also a former British protectorate got independence and for the first five, six years of independence we were following British attitude and ethos. But after that we just went overboard and we now embarked on Nigerian attitude and ethos and things have never worked.

I challenge anybody to tell me anything that is working in this country. It is not the electoral system alone that is not working, nothing works. And the problem is very, very deep, the causes are very deep.

So, we should stop making a ridicule of ourselves, blaming the law, when there is a constitutional crisis they will say it is the constitution that is faulty, set up a committee. When the elections are rigged, they will say oh, it is the electoral law, set up a committee.

In fact, I have lost count of the number of committees and bodies set up to review the constitution and the electoral laws. In fact Nigeria is now an object of ridicule all over the world.

You probably know that when America got independence over 200 years ago from Britain on the battlefield, they fought for it, the population of America was then only three million people. And the population of America now is over 200 million people and the same constitution they used when they were three million people is the same constitution they are using now that they are over 200 million people although there are some amendments to it.

But we got independence less than a century ago, less than 50 years. We have had five military coups successfully, army overthrowing army or civilian. And we have also had several constitutions, several electoral laws reviewed and rewritten.

So my answer to the question is that there is nothing wrong with the law, there is nothing wrong with the constitution or the electoral law, there is a lot wrong with Nigerians, that is the heart of the problem.

In view of your diagnosis, what can be done? How can a change of attitude be effected?

What I have been trying to explain in another way is that there is already break down of law and order in Nigeria. And I will challenge anybody to a debate on that. And I will explain to you now what that means. There is said to be breakdown of law and order when one of two critical situations occur. Either one of them occurs or both of them occur.

The first one is when the laws are ineffective, the machinery of law, the courts, police and the army are ineffective, and then there is a breakdown of law and order. Secondly, there is breakdown of law and order when the laws are being used for the purpose for which they were not meant. Now you might say, it is for you to choose. In either case, there is breakdown of law and order in Nigeria, laws are being used for the purpose which they are not meant. Does the electoral law say you should rig elections? Does it say the president, minister, chairman of corporation, legislators, should take bribe? It does not. So, whether you look at it from the first definition which I gave or the second one, the truth is that there is break down of law and order in Nigeria.

I

n Britain there is no written constitution but you have the Magna Carta and you have Acts of Parliament, then you have what they call the Convention. In fact if you study the British Constitution as some of us do, you find that the conventions are as powerful as the written laws. If you are a prime minister or minister and you breach the convention you must resign immediately. You won’t see that in any statutes or regulation. And that is why the constitution of Britain, unwritten, works very well.

In America, its been there for over 200 years, made for three million people and is now working for about 240 million people and is still working very well. They made only some amendments. Why, because of their attitude, the ethos and because the people are determined to uphold the rule of law.

In the last election many of them were bad, many of them were good. Those that were bad, is it the law that make you to be bad, is it the law that says you should falsify result. So, the fundamental thing is in us. The fault is not in our laws it is in ourselves.

Even when we say it is in ourselves, then the fundamental question to ask is how do we go about effecting a change?

That change is very difficult to bring about and you have raised a very critical question. And I will tell you why the change will be difficult. The British deliberately created something for us for the benefit of their own economic interest and not for the benefit of Nigeria. Having said that, you can blame the British for creating it but I won’t go further than that. I will blame ourselves for not changing it.

Whatever was created for India, Burma and USA by the British, they changed them and now use them in a way that are beneficial to their own people and to the rule of law. But we have refused to change the system. What did the British do or fail to do for us. There were three critical people that really created Nigeria. Some people make mistakes, they talk of Azikiwe, Sardauna and Awolowo as being the three critical elements who created Nigeria. That is not true. They were the people who got independence for us, they are not the people who created Nigeria.

The three people who created Nigeria were (1) Lord Harcourt, who was the colonial secretary, (2) Lord Cathwright who was the chairman of the Royal Niger Company and (3) Lord Lugard. Those were the three people who created Nigeria.

And when they created Nigeria, they created it in a way that it would be of benefit to the British economic interest. You can’t blame them for that, I am not blaming them for that. If I were in their shoes I would do exactly what they did.

And before amalgamation of 1914, Royal Niger Company had been ruling the North for 14 years as a chartered company or what we call privatised colonialism. It was not the British government that was ruling the North at that time it was the Royal Niger Company.

In fact it was they who built the railway because there was mineral in Jos. There was a lot of hides and skin and cotton in Kano and many parts of the North. So they built this network of railways to evacuate these produce to Port Harcourt and to Lagos.

And at that time Southern Nigeria was different and they were paying custom duties to the South. So when Lugard came in 1898, Royal Niger Company said "well, we are paying duties to the South, how can we stop that. The only thing we can do to stop that is to create amalgamation so that it would be one Nigeria, in which case you don’t pay any duty again to the South."

That was the reason behind amalgamation of 1914. In other words, amalgamation was not created for the benefit of Nigeria or Nigerians but for the benefit of the Royal Niger Company and their shareholders and of course they pay tax to the British. That is the heart of the thing.

So, as soon as they effected the amalgamation of 1914, the first thing Britain did was to enact the Mineral Ordinance of 1914 which rested all the minerals in Nigeria in the British crown, the oil and gas, coal, iron everything in the British crown. And the same 1914 they enacted the Arbitration Ordinance so that if there is any dispute among the various competing companies they can go to arbitration.

It is interesting that you are mentioning these names, but some people say we had an opportunity in Obasanjo who came back, what did he make of it?

That is another tragedy altogether. He is a lucky man who really lost a very good chance. If you look at history, you cannot run after wealth and also look for greatness particularly when you want to get that wealth from the treasury. It is not possible, the two don’t just go together.

If you look at all the names I mentioned you find that none of them had any private wealth but they dedicated themselves to the greatness of their people and their country. Look at Lee Kuan Yew of Singapore, within a generation he moved Singapore from the third world to the first world. These are people who took not one dollar from the treasury, who own no stocks and shares, Ghandi, Nehru, the rulers of Malaysia, George Washington, Abraham Lincoln. I mean Mandela is the greatest human being living today.

You cannot look for wealth and look for greatness at the same time. You have to elect, you either have your wealth or forget about looking for wealth and look for greatness or you forget wealth and then you dedicate your life to the greatness of your people just like Mandela.

Mandela was a lawyer and he is still a lawyer, Nero, Ghandi were all lawyers. They became very great and sacrificed their lives, freedom, everything for their people. But not so in Nigeria, the moment they come to power it is treasury looting, it is private and family poverty alleviation. You cannot achieve greatness for yourself or for your country by doing that. Your name will be in mud if you seek wealth and greatness all from the country and from the treasury.

So that was the problem we had with Obasanjo?

That is what many people think.

But we had a Balewa who was simple and considered frugal, wealth did not mean anything to him...

B

alewa is one of the greatest rulers that this country has ever produced. I was in his cabinet. The present president’s father was also there as Minister for Lagos Affairs. Yar’Adua created South-West Ikoyi; Victoria Island, he had no single plot in these places. Now look at the rulers of recent times the number of land or plots they or their company have in Abuja or any other state. It is obscene desire for family poverty alleviation that is destroying the country. You either choose greatness of your country or greatness through treasury looting for the wealth of your family. That is one of the problems of Nigeria of today.

Back to the issue of sanctity and integrity in the electoral system, after more than a year, election cases are still pending at the tribunasl which was not the case in the Second Republic, what went wrong and what can be done?

W

ell, I must confess to you that you raised a very important point and I am really baffled. When I was in the system, we finished all election petition before people are sworn-in.

You remember I handled Shagari’s case the two times and we made sure we finished with election petitions before people were sworn-in. And also in the United States, Bush versus Gore, you know the problem of Florida, and the matter went to the Supreme Court three times and yet the election petition was finished before Bush was sworn-in.

So you asked a very critical question and the answer should come from those who are in the system. I am not part of the system. But what I can tell you is that there is nothing preventing them from following what we were doing in Shagari’s time and what the Americans are doing today. The fault is not in our stars but in ourselves. I am not the author of that saying I am quoting somebody.

Even at the level of Appeal, the Supreme Court up till now has still not sat to consider the appeal on the presidential election?

I don’t want to comment on that because I don’t know the details. It may well be that there are good reasons why those things are like that, but I don’t know.

What about the cost of litigation, because when the matter drags on like this it frightens people who don’t have the financial resources?

Well, the cost of litigation in Nigeria is one of the cheapest, I must make that very clear. Don’t confuse the fees of lawyers with the court fees. The court fees are among the cheapest anywhere in the world. But when it comes to litigation, we cannot control the fees you will pay your counsel. That is a private contract between you and your lawyer. It is however, an abuse of the system when election petitions drag on for too long and I agree that something should be done about it.

There has been this complaint of contradictions in the ruling by the different tribunals and the Appeal Courts in the election cases, what is your comment and what determines substantial compliance with the electoral law?

I will not comment on that unless I can see some of these judgements especially those so criticised, because the way a layman will look at the court judgement is quite different from the way a lawyer will look at it.

I will be too happy to make comments if I have copies of the judgement.

But lawyers have been saying that the judgement from different Courts of Appeal

in different divisions in similar cases have tended to be contradictory when it ought to be uniform?

Again, unless I see the judgements I cannot make any valid comments and I have not seen the judgement.

Now that President Yar’Adua is in power, what do you advise him to treat as priority as a way of putting things right in Nigeria?

The first thing to do is to ask ourselves why things are as they are. It is the answer to that question that will be the signpost to where we should go. The answer to me is quite simple. Nigeria is a country not a nation. Unless we have a nation we will not solve our problems. The Yoruba man sees himself as Yoruba, the Igbo says we want Igbo president, the Northerner will say it is the turn of the North; the Delta will say we are Deltans we have the oil. So you have a country and not a nation, and anywhere in the world where you have that situation you will have neither peace nor progress.

United States of America is able to be what they are now because America is a nation not just a country. When Clinton was president his running mate was from the same part of the country, that is because the US is a nation.

Look at it today, Obama, a black person, a minority of the minorities being presidential candidate and is still leading in the public opinion against the white who are in the majority and who is picked by the Republican. That is possible because the US is a nation not a country.

But here when Ohanaeze want to advocate for presidency they will say they want Ibo president, now a Northerner becomes a president they say this is the turn of the North, the Yoruba man becomes president we say oh the thing was given to the Yorubas.

As long as that attitude persists you will not have either unity or progress. That is the heart of our problem.

I summarise by telling you again, we have a country, we haven’t got a nation. We will not make any progress until we have a nation.

You are a member of the PDP that has been in power for nine years and people believe these problems persist because PDP has not been able to put its acts together, how do you react to this?

T

hey are partly right and they are partly wrong. Partly right because the eight years of Obasanjo’s regime as has been disclosed now has done more evil than good. And partly wrong because the problem of eight years cannot be solved in one year. It seems to me that Yar’Adua would turn out to be a very good president if what his father did and what Balewa did are anything to go by. My belief is that before you make any valid judgement on Yar’Adua let’s wait for another two or three years and then we would be able to make a fair judgement. Now you don’t expect him within the last 12 months to have solved the power, railway, airways, shipping problems. I mean look at the revelations that are coming out in the various proceedings going on in the National Assembly. Is it the fault of the law that contracts are over inflated by as much as 600 per cent?

There is enough in Nigeria for everybody’s need but there is not enough for everybody’s greed, that is the heart of our problem.

You are an elderstatesman, you were a member of the PDP Board of Trustees and people believe at a time you were close enough to Obasanjo to be able to tell him the truth, what actually went wrong under Obasanjo?

You only tell him the truth if you know what was going on. I challenge even some cabinet ministers at that time that they knew what was going on. Do you know that Obasanjo was the minister of oil and gas for eight years and do you know for those eight years no oil and gas matter went to the cabinet. He would call the Managing Director of NNPC whom he appointed, he would call his Special Adviser on Petroleum whom he appointed and he sat down with his two appointees and took decisions. And oil and gas represents 95 per cent of our revenue in terms of foreign currency. So, how do you expect things to be right or for there not to be corruption under those circumstances, when something where you get 95 per cent of the revenue never go to any cabinet, it was decided by only one man? And for those eight years Obasanjo was the Minister for Petroleum. Later on because of OPEC representation he appointed a minister of state under him. Many people confuse that minister of state with being minister, Obasanjo remained minister throughout. And whenever the law says the minister should sign Obasanjo was signing. So that is the heart of the matter, absolute power corrupts absolutely.

But the National Assembly is supposed to have oversight function, were they sleeping?

A

h! Ah!! During Shagari’s four years, we didn’t have majority either in the Senate or House of Representatives. But throughout those four years I was the Attorney-General, there was no measure we sent to the National Assembly that was not passed and yet we had no majority in the National Assembly. During Obasanjo’s eight years, he had more than two-third majority in the National Assembly both Senate and House of Representatives, yet a lot of bills were never passed. So, you draw your own conclusion.

You said Yar’Adua should be given time, but people say there is even no road-map of where he is taking the country to one year after?

My answer is this, when you have a patient, you don’t start giving him medicine straightaway. The first thing is to do the diagnosis, you find out what is wrong. If a patient has temperature, the cause maybe small pox, malaria, diarrhoea, now if you give him or her a medicine for temperature, the real malady will not go. But if it is small pox through diagnosis, you treat for small pox. Not only will the temperature go, the small pox will go. Same thing with any other thing. The enormity of the problems Yar’Adua met are so much and so great that unless you do thorough diagnosis you might compound the problem and make it worse. I think that it what is going on.

So from your vantage position you can say that Nigerians have no cause to worry?

I agree with you.

Ibadan politics, where are we now?

We are on the right track. The Oyedokun committee is doing excellently well in reconciling and there has been embargo on publicity. They have met me and my group twice and we had very useful discussion and I cannot tell you what we discussed and what we didn’t discuss. But what I can tell you is that all will be well. The PDP will continue to control Oyo State and we all support the governor and the government that is there. And we will come out stronger and in unity.

Is there a possibility of having another Adedibu?

Impossible. I can tell you categorically that what is going to evolve is a democratic norm. You cannot have another Adedibu unless you have another Obasanjo, another Bode George at the centre. And the chances of having another Obasanjo and George at the centre are totally out of the question and very remote. Yar’Adua is a democrat who believes in the rule of law and all will be well